Se na primeira parte vimos como o Estado é, na sua origem, uma máfia bem-sucedida, que monopolizou a violência, então a crise guineense pode ser lida como uma luta pelo controle desse monopólio num contexto onde as instituições económicas e burocráticas são demasiado frágeis para se autonomizarem como fonte primária de poder. 
Conceição Lima explores the challenges of being part of a nation with a history of conflict and slavery, showing readers her resentment towards the collective memory of colonial power, whilst also exhibiting hope for a legacy and future that celebrates the culture that has stemmed from this. Lima shows that only through societal remembering and global recognition can colonial memory be untangled from the legacy of São Tomé e Príncipe. 
On the social level, effective political accountability is equally indispensable in the creation of public policies to promote culture and the arts that combat exclusion and segregation, with structural effects on the lives of racialized populations, and not merely symbolic programs that are photogenic enough for reports. In this debate, we proposed to better understand some aspects of Afro-diasporic production in the fields of literature, film, and music, with special attention to women’s perspectives. Given the lack of historical documentation, it is often necessary to work with absences. As a research approach, the interrogative formulation—which acknowledges gaps that cannot always be filled — allows us to keep asking: what did they say? What did they do? What do we still not know? And perhaps also the central question: why did it take us so long to listen? 
This is not merely a “politics of the belly,” but rather a matter of bringing the belly to the center of politics and, consequently, abandoning the condescending view we hold of the people. Changing our perspective on food, ingredients, and gastronomy — these “unidentified political objects” — and seeking our history through them would greatly assist us in this process of liberation and unity. 
Without journalism, how would we all know what is happening in Gaza? It is true that we also learn about it through social media platforms like Telegram or Instagram, but the information often reaches us through the work of journalists, including Palestinian journalists. How would we access so many stories about mental health? And how would we connect them as a significant political phenomenon? How would we learn about the cases of femicide plaguing societies? How would we know what happened in the Zambujal neighborhood? Specifically, how would we contextualize the different narratives and information? Without journalism, there would be only images and narratives shared online, without context, from partial viewpoints that are never confronted. 
The evils of these processes are vast, and it is important to remember them: the displacement and death of thousands of people; brutal physical and psychological violence; continuous humiliation; the systematic rape of black women, which also led to racial mixing; the mandatory assimilation into what was considered “superior culture”; internal divisions; attempts to erase and ban the expression of African languages and cultures; economic and epistemological violence; racial hierarchies. This was the case in Angola and other colonized regions. I was born and raised in a country where the marks of the colonial regime endure and its vestiges remain alive. 
Algorithmic capitalism proposes an operating scheme that is increasingly defined by circular lines that join the two terms, producing scenarios that do not seem exaggerated to define as apocalyptic. The development of AI strengthens that plot, which becomes increasingly evident through stated strategies and actions taken, where nothing must be disguised. Everything finds an explanation in scientific – or pseudoscientific – statements that bring together absolute confidence in technology, religious beliefs, differences between human beings based on the intelligence quotient. 
What has happened in Venezuela goes beyond the realm of internal political dispute and enters, quite explicitly, the territory of raw imperialism, undisguised, shameless and without any real commitment to democracy. Donald Trump’s speech, in which he announced that the United States would “govern” Venezuela and take control of its oil, laid bare what Latin America has known ever since it was invaded by the Europeans: it has always been about resources, trade and profit. It has never been about freedom, it has never been about human rights, it has never been about democracy. 
The next day, as usual, the grandmother went to lay flowers in the grave and came across the grandson's body lying on the ground, the servants who were with her manifested themselves and the spirits began to quarrel. His maternal relatives wanted him to be a servant of God, adopting modern practices to represent the family in society. On the other hand, his paternal family wanted him in the hut, serving the family spirits. The shouts reached the village and everyone watched that spectacle of spiritual conflict. 
For many in Libya, the Jamahiriya remains a reference point of lost sovereignty and stability. Such views are reinforced with every new revelation about Libya’s subjugation to outside forces. One of the latest insights into this subjugation came when the US Department of Justice released documents revealing that, during NATO’s intervention in Libya, Jeffrey Epstein worked with former British and Israeli intelligence officers in an effort to access billions in Libyan state assets frozen in Western countries. 
By prioritizing an approach centered on people’s experiences, it presents itself as a humanising discipline that seeks to capture the nuances of everyday life, beyond the statistical cut-outs and social determinisms. Of course, there are structures, tendencies and politics that go beyond people’s will and that must be analysed (consider the processes of racialisation and precarisation), but a closer look at their strategies, dreams and aspirations allows us to understand the choices available to them within socially defined boundaries, highlighting their strengths and weaknesses. For this reason, this study takes specific localities in order to gain an understanding of the situation of Muslims in Sintra and does not claim to represent the Muslim population as a whole. 
Renewed uncertainty around US engagement, including signals of potential funding reductions, institutional disengagement, and a second withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, has reintroduced questions about the durability of global climate commitments. 
Modern-day slavery is the lot reserved for Kenya’s youth by a government once invested in the education of the country’s young but now content to send them to foreign lands as labour exports. 
These practices were serious enough for the newly independent African nation of Ghana to lodge a legal complaint against Portugal before the International Labour Organisation in 1962, helping to expose the fallacy of Portuguese benevolence towards its black population (Wolfson et al., 2009). As such, Eusébio, falsely made into a symbol of a non-racist past, functions to soften colonial realities and to silence the everyday racism experienced by African and Afro-Portuguese figures, who could not speak up at the time, in contrast to the anti-racist activism of Vinícius Jr. today. 
Portugal did not begin the taking. It widened the road. The desert and the ocean became parallel corridors of the same long project. The Trans-Saharan slave trade would run for twelve centuries in total. It trafficked an estimated ten million people, and yet it is barely spoken of. In the West, it barely exists as a cultural fact at all. 
For more than 35 years, Serbian society has been in a state of continuous disintegration. Almost nothing functions as it should. The wealth that had been collectively produced during Yugoslav times, was systematically privatized, creating a narrow elite of multimillionaires and billionaires whose power is rooted almost entirely in the capture of public resources and state-funded projects. 
Amélia’s grandchildren and great-grandchildren speak many languages, have different hair colours, and hold many different passports. They have lived a wide range of experiences. Yet they are all part of the same family. When they meet, they share a sense of belonging to something beyond words, categories, or distinctions. So what is this family identity? Who knows? Even the family members themselves offer many different answers to that question. 
To understand Trinidad, there can be no fixed, predetermined “root identity” in the traditional, categorical sense. The island’s culture claims its right to opacity, resisting simplification, even while its core remains Creole. Too many people, too many cultures have met - and clashed - across its ports and borders. For this reason, Trinidad cannot be singular; it is plural, maternal. Like a mother, it tells stories, at first misunderstood by its children, yet always offering a lesson. Like a mother, it lets its children wander before calling them back to the tropics. This island is a birth of worlds. 
Dear racialized friend, we both feel the weight, so let me end here as it’s getting late, when we talk about racism, whiteness and privilege, don't ever forget to create contexts, don't repeat the same claims as if they were refrains, don't talk about the system as if it operated and oppressed in the same way everywhere, with no aims or changes or such affairs, or as if the context of blacks in the USA was the same as that of blacks in Portugal, and of blacks in Brazil, and from there to blacks in Guinea. 
The Black body is one of the boring, limiting terms that abound in decolonial discourse. The fact that it is an unknown or almost unknown term in Guinea-Bissau (I’ve no idea if I need statistics to say this), makes me wonder: how do you decolonize Africa without Africans being involved? To read
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